Dirty Tricks 101
Dirty Tricks vs. Hardball Politics

This is what John F.Kennedy said about Richard Nixon:

"Mr. Nixon in the last seven days has called me an economic ignoramus,
a Pied Piper, and all the rest. I've just confined myself to calling him a
Republican, but he says that is getting low."

Hillary's Original "3 AM" attack ad

Obama's "3 AM" remake
only visually reinforced Hillary's original.

A humorous satire by an Obama supporter on YouTube.

Bill Clinton on Hope vs. Fear

 

Do you think Hillary's "3 AM" commercial at the top is "hardball politics" or "a dirty trick"?

How about the one just below it?

Personally, I don't know of any presidential year that has been free of "dirty tricks" - knowing, deliberate smears with information known to be false or can't be documented, timed in such a way as to blacken an opponent's reputation with career-wrecking charges just hours before a crucial vote to which that opponent does not have time to respond.

The 2008 campaign, while not (yet) the worst, is still growing increasingly nasty. It can fairly be said that Hillary Clinton's campaign is so far, by far, the most vicious and nasty. But John McCain has yet to start throwing his hardest punches ... and even Barack Obama's campaign has been accused by Clinton of dirty tricks.

It is difficult sometimes to separate "hardball politics" from "dirty tricks" because the line is fuzzy and subjective, depending on whether your candidate is the target or the aggressor.

For example, while the now-famous "3 AM" Hillary commercial is fear-mongering, it does not fall into the class of "dirty tricks." It is a copy of the same ad first run by Lyndon Johnson against Barry Goldwater, and a later one run by Walter Mondale.

Negative? Very much so! But it worked.

It may have worked so well because the Obama campaign wasn't fast enough on its feet to do any more than copy the same ad, with a slightly different ending - thus only reinforcing Hillary's original ad. Instead, they might have thought of using the footage from a Bill Clinton speech (third video down from the top), and run "one of the Clinton laws of politics".

Also, it is important to separate "dirty tricks" from "flip-flops" and candidate dishonesty. The former is a deliberate attempt to destroy one's opponent, inflicting the most damage in the least amount of time. The latter is an attempt to cover one's own ass.

Most, but not all, of the Clinton campaign smears have been against Barack Obama. Some have reportedly been against John Edwards, who dropped out of the race relatively early.

First, understand the structure of a presidential campaign. I have worked in two of them, one as the Illinois state chairman of Senator Eugene McCarthy's 1968 campaign, the other as Davidson County co-chairman of John Anderson's campaign, both as a Republican and as an independent.

There are three basic modules of a campaign organization:

  1. the campaign staff
  2. advisors and consultants
  3. volunteers and supporters.

On the campaign staff itself, there is iron-clad control from the top, usually the state chairman, who then reports to the national chairman or national committee. No one - I repeat, no one - is allowed to issue any press statements or send out any e-mails to the media on their own. Everything - I repeat, everything - must go through the proper channels.

Advisors and consultants are their own people, usually following their own independent careers as experts in their own field. They are not allowed to make any independent statements outside the campaign about the campaign without the express approval of the campaign chairman ... and any such statements are usually written up by the state media or PR department, then signed off on by the consultant or advisor. The wording may be a hybrid of the advisor's own wording and that of the campaign itself. The job of an advisor is to provide advice to the campaign, privately and confidentially.

The reason for both #1 and #2 is pretty simple: the campaign must speak with one voice, just as a corporation speaks with one voice. You simply can't have a dozen different people injecting their own comments, opinions, etc. into anything that goes to the public. A single misspoken word, or a word that can be misinterpreted, can wreck a campaign. While I didn't always agree with the final product, I certainly respected the principle and the reasons for such rules. In 1968 in Illinois, I was the who made those rules.

Volunteers and supporters are the loose cannons on deck. You cannot control what they say or do. A campaign's job is to simply keep them (volunteers) busy at an assigned task. There is a rule that a volunteer must be assigned a task within 3-4 hours - or at the least the very same day. If you fail to do that, there is a perception that they're not wanted and they lose interest quickly.

A campaign will most likely never see, meet or even be in contact with the vast majority of its supporters/contributors - simply citizens who support the candidacy. Officially, these supporters do not speak for the campaign, only for themselves, and a campaign must establish that rule clearly and early. Other than that, we can only cross our fingers, fold our hands and utter a quiet prayer that they don't make fools of both themselves and our candidate.

For instance, here - on this website - I am speaking as a citizen, not as a staffer or an advisor.

Even with these rules and expectations, things don't always go right.

In 1968, after the morale of the McCarthy campaign fell apart because of politicians who wanted to get the glory but were never available to actually lead, I inherited a very dispirited campaign facing impossible odds to get the required number of signatures throughout Illinois to get McCarthy on the state ballot. We only had about 10% of what we needed - and only two weeks left to get them.

My first job was to boost morale, to inject hope and faith into the campaign. That is usually the candidate's job, but in 1968, things were very chaotic across America. Robert Kennedy had just been assassinated and while there was a huge amount of hostility between his supporters and those of Eugene McCarthy ("Clean Gene" he was nicknamed), Robert's supporters really had nowhere else to go. They couldn't go crawling back to LBJ and Hubert Humphrey and they weren't about to switch to "Tricky Dick" Nixon.

To shorten the story, I succeeded. We got the signatures and on the night before the filing deadline, we had set up locations around the state for everyone to bring their petitions, so we had fewer collection points. Everything went well except in Chicago, where at the last minute this elderly, wealthy lady who lived in a stunning condo on Lakeshore Drive informed us that she would not give us the 10,000 or so signatures she was holding unless she were given full and total control over the whole state organization.

I'll never forget the look of horror and depression on my aide's face when he, along with a handful of others, came rushing into my office with the news.

"What are we going to do?" they asked almost in unison. "She'll destroy us!"

I thought a moment, then told them, "Tell her we understand we have no choice, we think she would be a tremendous asset - then get your hands on those damned petitions. I'll personally tell her to go f--k off after we have those petitions." And I did. And I'd do it again!

I don't know if she was a plant from another campaign or not - or if she just felt she had been ignored or disrespected. I never found out. The only thing that mattered was getting those petitions to the Secretary of State's office the next morning.

That's the kind of thing that can go wrong at even the highest levels. Was it a "dirty trick"? I have no idea and no evidence that it was.

Eighteen years later, in the 1980 John Anderson campaign, a similar incident happened and without a doubt it was a Republican "dirty trick." Our state chairman, Roger Hoover, shared our office, so the Nashville and Tennessee campaigns were virtually one and the same. Roger was the man in charge. One day, a young man we knew only as "Butch Harding" came in and signed up as a volunteer. Only thing was, he and Roger had been college classmates, so "Butch" had a special entree to Roger some of us didn't. I don't say this out of jealousy because I could walk into Roger's office any time and had all the access I could have ever asked for.

The candidate's daughter, Elenora (I believe - I'll have to check my notes for the spelling?), was making a Nashville appearance and "Butch" was assigned to be her driver for the day or two she would be in town. Despite the assassinations of 1963 and 1968, Secret Service protection was much more lax than it is today. "Butch" was trusted by Roger and no one questioned it.

The problem was that Elenora simply vanished after she drove off with "Butch" at the wheel. Hours passed and the Secret Service started getting anxious, then angry. It turns out, according to her, that her driver had tried to get her to drink a lot of booze and do some drugs instead of showing up where she was scheduled.

"Butch" disappeared the next day and Roger was in a deep funk, figuring his own political career was in ashes for not properly "vetting" his old classmate. A little bit of checking told me that "Butch" had been posing as a doctor at Vanderbilt Hospital (we frequently saw him in his "surgical garbs") but was not a doctor or even a medical student. Also, he had been to the Carter headquarters trying to volunteer his services there, but they felt "something wasn't quite right" and told him they had nothing there for him to do.

Our consensus, and that of the Carter campaign, was that "Butch" had probably been a Reagan plant in one of those tricks most likely engineered by Bill Casey, who engineered the Iran/Contra hostage deal and later became Reagan's CIA director.

At any rate, Carter lost, Anderson lost and Reagan won. There are a few more stories I could tell you about the 1968 campaign - like the millions of dollars offered to us by both Nixon and George Wallace, or the Daley machine's offer to me personally for "a blow job" around the corner from our headquarters at 35th and Paulina, but I'll save those for another time.

My point is that dirty tricks are very commonplace - and, worse, they work. They are not the same thing as "attack politics" or "hardball politics."

In late-breaking news (as I write this), a perfect example has surfaced of the difficulty in controlling advisors and supporters who are outside the actual circle of "staffers."

Samantha Power, an Obama adviser, has resigned after publicly calling Hillary Clinton "a monster." Dirty trick? No. Adviser blunder embarrassing to the campaign? Most definitely!

In the beginning, I will be relying heavily on Google search results as the basic sources, since it takes time to research those sources, collect them and organize them and then examine them for a more complete over-all picture. This will at least give you a good place to start.

Hillary Clinton

Google search terms for "Hillary Clinton dirty tricks"

Google search terms for "Bill Clinton dirty tricks"

Barack Obama

Google search terms for "Obama dirty tricks"

John McCain

Google search terms for "McCain dirty tricks"


Hillary Clinton & Dirty Tricks

A Catalog of Hillary's Alleged Dirty Tricks

Dirty Tricks Claimed Against Clinton

Barack Obama & Dirty Tricks

A Catalog of Obamas' Alleged Dirty Tricks

Dirty Tricks Claimed Against Obama

John McCain & Dirty Tricks

A Catalog of McCain's Alleged Dirty Tricks

Dirty Tricks Claimed Against McCain